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哥伦比亚大学因造假“翻车”，美高校排名评级体系引质疑_我的网站
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【环球时报特约记者 刘皓然】美国哥伦比亚大学近日因数据造假声誉受损，排名从全美第2跌落至第18名。哥大这个重磅丑闻不仅轰动全美教育界，还引发了媒体舆论对该国奉行了近40年的高校评级体系——即《美国新闻与世界报道》杂志的年度大学排名产生了严重怀疑。
HOUSTON — Tonjanic Hill was overjoyed in 2017 when she learned she was 14 weeks pregnant. Despite a history of uterine fibroids, she never lost faith that she would someday have a child.
But, just five weeks after confirming her pregnancy, and the day after a gender-reveal party where she announced she was having a girl, she seemed unable to stop urinating. She didn’t realize her amniotic fluid was leaking. Then came the excruciating pain.
“I ended up going to the emergency room,” said Hill, now 35. “That’s where I had the most traumatic, horrible experience ever.”
An ultrasound showed she had lost 90% of her amniotic fluid. Yet, over the angry protestations of her nurse, Hill said, the attending doctor insisted Hill be discharged and see her own OB-GYN the next day. The doctor brushed off her concerns, she said. The next morning, her OB-GYN’s office rushed her back to the hospital. But she lost her baby, Tabitha Winnie Denkins.
“This is a public health crisis as it relates to Black moms and babies that is completely preventable,” said Barbie Robinson, who took over as executive director of Harris County Public Health in March 2021. “When you look at the breakdown demographically — who’s disproportionately impacted by the lack of access — we have a situation where we can expect these horrible outcomes.”
In fact, Harris County ranks third, behind only Chicago’s Cook County and Detroit’s Wayne County, in what are known as excess Black infant deaths, according to the federal Health Resources and Services Administration. Those three counties, which also are among the nation’s most populated counties, account for 7% of all Black births in the country and 9% of excess Black infant deaths, said Ashley Hirai, a senior scientist at HRSA. That means the counties have the largest number of Black births but also more deaths that would not occur if Black babies had the same chance of reaching their 1st birthdays as white infants.
No known genetic reasons exist for Black infants to die at higher rates than white infants. Such deaths are often called “deaths of disparity” because they are likely attributable to systemic racial disparities. Regardless of economic status or educational attainment, the stress from experiencing persistent systemic racism leads to adverse health consequences for Black women and their babies, according to a study published in the journal Women’s Health Issues.
These miscarriages and deaths can occur even in communities that otherwise appear to have vast health resources. In Harris County, for example, home to two public hospitals and the Texas Medical Center — the largest medical complex in the world, with more than 54 medical-related institutions and 21 hospitals — mortality rates were 11.1 per 1,000 births for Black infants from 2014 through 2019, according to the March of Dimes, compared with 4.7 for white infants.
The abundance of providers in Harris County hasn’t reassured pregnant Black patients that they can find care that is timely, appropriate or culturally competent — care that acknowledges a person’s heritage, beliefs and values during treatment.
Regardless of income or insurance status, studies show, medical providers often dismiss Black women’s questions and concerns, minimize their physical complaints and fail to offer appropriate care. By contrast, a study of 1.8 million hospital births spanning 23 years in Florida found that the gap in mortality rates between Black and white newborns was halved for Black babies when Black physicians cared for them.
In 2013, Houstonian Kay Matthews was running a successful catering business when she lost the daughter she’d named Troya eight months and three weeks into pregnancy.
Matthews hadn’t felt well — she’d been sluggish and tired — for several days, but her doctor told her not to worry. Not long afterward, she woke up realizing something was terribly wrong. She passed out after calling 911. When she woke up, she was in the emergency room.
None of the medical staffers would talk to her, she said. She had no idea what was happening, no one was answering her questions, and she started having a panic attack.
“It kind of felt like I was watching myself lose everything,” she recalled. She said the nurse seemed annoyed with her questions and demeanor and gave her a sedative. “When I woke up, I did not have a baby.”
Matthews recalled one staffer insinuating that she and her partner couldn’t afford to pay the bill, even though she was a financially stable business owner, and he had a well-paying job as a truck driver.
She said hospital staffers showed minimal compassion after she lost Troya. They seemed to dismiss her grief, she said. It was the first time she could remember feeling as if she was treated callously because she is Black.
“There was no respect at all, like zero respect or compassion,” said Matthews, who has since founded the Shades of Blue Project, a Houston nonprofit focused on improving maternal mental health, primarily for Black patients.
To help combat these high mortality rates in Harris County, Robinson created a maternal child and health office and launched a home-visit pilot program to connect prenatal and postpartum patients with resources such as housing assistance, medical care and social services. Limited access to healthy food and recreational activities are barriers to healthy pregnancy outcomes. Studies have also shown a connection between evictions and infant mortality.
For Hill, not having insurance was also likely a factor. While pregnant, Hill said, she had had just a single visit at a community health center before her miscarriage. She was working multiple jobs as a college student and did not have employer-provided medical coverage. She was not yet approved for Medicaid, the state-federal program for people with low incomes or disabilities.
Texas has the nation’s highest uninsured rate, with nearly 5 million Texans — or 20% of those younger than 65 — lacking coverage, said Anne Dunkelberg, a senior fellow with Every Texan, a nonprofit research and advocacy institute focused on equity in public policy. While non-Hispanic Black Texans have a slightly better rate — 17% — than that overall state level, it’s still higher than the 12% rate for non-Hispanic white Texans, according to census data. Health experts fear that many more people are losing insurance coverage as COVID-19 pandemic protections end for Medicaid.
Without full coverage, those who are pregnant may avoid seeking care, meaning they skip being seen in the critical first trimester, said Fatimah Lalani, medical director at Houston’s Hope Clinic.
Texas had the lowest percentage of mothers receiving early prenatal care in the nation in 2020, according to the state’s 2021 Healthy Texas Mothers and Babies Databook, and non-Hispanic Black moms and babies were less likely to receive first-trimester care than other racial and ethnic groups. Babies born without prenatal care were three times as likely to have a low birth weight and five times as likely to die as those whose mothers had care.
Hill’s twins, though premature, are now preschoolers. “I believe God — and the high-risk doctor — saved my twins,” she says.(Brandon Thibodeaux/KFF Health News)
If Hill’s miscarriage reflects how the system failed her, the birth of her twins two years later demonstrates how appropriate support has the potential to change outcomes.
With Medicaid coverage from the beginning of her second pregnancy, Hill saw a high-risk pregnancy specialist. Diagnosed early with what’s called an incompetent cervix, Hill was consistently seen, monitored and treated. She also was put on bed rest for her entire pregnancy.
She had an emergency cesarean section at 34 weeks, and both babies spent two weeks in neonatal intensive care. Today, her premature twins are 3 years old.
“I believe God — and the high-risk doctor — saved my twins,” she said.
This article was produced by KFF Health News, a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF. It has been published with permission.
。事实上，近年来因造假“翻车”的美国高校不胜枚举，其中不乏百年名校。有媒体批评称，单一机构近乎垄断的话语权令各高校受到了裹挟，造假几乎是不可避免的事情。据美国《纽约时报》13日报道，本月8日，哥伦比亚大学发布声明，承认该校之前向《美国新闻与世界报道》提交的相关数据存在夸大情节，其中“水分”最大的正是该校最为注重的研究生“小班教学”质量。对此，校领导层“深表歉意”并承诺作出改善。《纽约时报》质疑道，高等学府的教育质量是否能如电影打分那样，仅凭一个数字加以衡量？美国高等教育问题专家斯科特·亚希克曾批评道，教育质量的评判原本应该是细致入微的工作，但各类机构的排名体系过于“简单粗暴”。早年的一项教育调研显示，只有14%的招生部门负责人认同高校排名能够对学生报考高校起到积极作用，超过半数受访者认为这类排名在“误人子弟”。尽管《美国新闻与世界报道》的排名机制争议不断，但其在这一领域拥有近乎垄断的话语权。有业内人士表示，该杂志的高校评级标准虽然多达16条，但最为直观的几条无非是招生人数、经费数额以及银行信用等，这些都是可以“人为操控”的。于是，一些高校积极利用规则进行“内卷”，有的学校会引入一些“肤浅且适得其反”的制度来强行提升排名，而这些举措往往与教育质量毫无关联。在这场排名博弈中，确实有一些名不见经传的高校实现了“逆袭”。
B | 但另一方面，也有多所高校因造假“翻车”：2012年，美国名校埃默里大学公开承认谎报学生“高考”成绩、平均绩点及其他学业表现，并承认这一操作已持续多年；同年，克莱蒙特·麦肯纳学院一名副校长承认多年谎报录取数据；2021年，美国天普大学福克斯商学院前院长波拉特更是因为电信诈骗、屡次造假而被定罪。不过也有不同意见认为，尽管高校排名体制硬伤很多，但其也为高校竞争力的数据标准化作出了贡献。
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